Adaptive Social Mobilization in Grassroots Policy Implementation: Administrative Control and Multiple Participation
In: Social sciences in China, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 85-104
ISSN: 1940-5952
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In: Social sciences in China, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 85-104
ISSN: 1940-5952
In: Journal of Chinese governance, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 21-40
ISSN: 2381-2354
In: STOTEN-D-21-31170
SSRN
In: Journal of Chinese governance, S. 1-24
ISSN: 2381-2354
In: The China quarterly, Band 249, S. 47-67
ISSN: 1468-2648
AbstractThis article explores how the Chinese government aims to maintain social stability by encouraging citizens to become volunteers. We propose that a new type of governance, namely, "state-enlisted voluntarism," is being deployed in which public security volunteers are mobilized and monitored by the state. Analysis based on ten-year nationwide empirical data gathered from local areas in China suggests that the government intentionally enlists citizens into its hierarchical system to strengthen its administrative capacity and maintain a stable society without the risk of domestic threats. We find that direct enlistment approaches empower citizens as state proxies, and that indirect enlistment approaches ensure that various social stakeholders are comprehensively controlled. In general, the Chinese government has four reasons to institutionalize the state enlistment of voluntarism: to increase human resources at the grassroots; transform social organizations into subordinates; frame policy innovations as political credits; and to avoid blame. Our findings also suggest that China's party-state system mobilizes citizens into implementation-oriented activities rather than engages them in policymaking to maintain social stability at the grassroots.
In: The China quarterly, Band 249, Heft 1, S. 47-67
ISSN: 1468-2648
This article explores how the Chinese government aims to maintain social stability by encouraging citizens to become volunteers. We propose that a new type of governance, namely, "state-enlisted voluntarism," is being deployed in which public security volunteers are mobilized and monitored by the state. Analysis based on ten-year nationwide empirical data gathered from local areas in China suggests that the government intentionally enlists citizens into its hierarchical system to strengthen its administrative capacity and maintain a stable society without the risk of domestic threats. We find that direct enlistment approaches empower citizens as state proxies, and that indirect enlistment approaches ensure that various social stakeholders are comprehensively controlled. In general, the Chinese government has four reasons to institutionalize the state enlistment of voluntarism: to increase human resources at the grassroots; transform social organizations into subordinates; frame policy innovations as political credits; and to avoid blame. Our findings also suggest that China's party-state system mobilizes citizens into implementation-oriented activities rather than engages them in policymaking to maintain social stability at the grassroots. (China Q/GIGA)
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of Chinese governance, Band 7, Heft 3, S. 400-417
ISSN: 2381-2354
In: Social sciences in China, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 26-45
ISSN: 1940-5952
In: Social sciences in China, Band 37, Heft 4, S. 93-116
ISSN: 1940-5952
In: China: CIJ ; an international journal, Band 13, Heft 3, S. 72-93
ISSN: 0219-8614
In: Journal of Chinese political science, Band 20, Heft 4, S. 409-423
ISSN: 1874-6357
In: China: CIJ ; an international journal, Band 13, Heft 3, S. 72-93
ISSN: 0219-7472
This article draws on the social network embeddedness perspective to construct a multilevel analytical framework through which relations between non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in China and the government are examined. The following arguments presented are based on a comparative case study of two social service NGOs: First, "top-down" and "bottom-up" types of NGOs alike can achieve some degree of autonomy in both internal management and external relations. Second, NGOs may undertake very different strategies to gain autonomy, even in the face of very similar external conditions. Third, under current conditions, whether NGO leaders are embedded in particular political networks, i.e. the political connections of an NGO, will constrain the strategies that NGOs would pursue to achieve autonomy. Finally, a multilevel approach reveals the complexity of NGO-government relations and helps to move the analysis beyond a zero-sum approach to state-society relations in China. (China/GIGA)
World Affairs Online
In: HAZMAT-D-21-14496
SSRN